Fossil Fuels threw $2 million into Oregon in 2014
April 12th 2015 - The last few months have been a wild ride in Oregon politics. Governor Kitzhaber, the state’s only Governor to be elected 4 times, resigned amid evidence of ethical violations. Then, over vociferous opposition from the oil industry, the state legislature almost immediately lifted a sunset provision on the state’s first clean fuels standard. It was the one of the first bill signed by newly-sworn-in Governor Kate Brown.
Many observers now believe that Oregon’s lopsided democratic majority is position to ramp up renewable electricity standards and perhaps even enact a price on carbon emissions in the next legislative session. These are meaningful changes to law that would have a tremendous impact on the state’s pollution levels for decades to come by reducing fossil fuel consumption.
Needless to say, these reforms are not well-liked by the coal, oil, and gas industries who benefit from business as usual. To try to tip the scales in their favor, they injected nearly $2 million---$1,972,783 to be precise---into Oregon’s democracy in the most recent election cycle. This money came from the usual oil suspects like Shell, Tesoro and Chevron as well as their organizations like the Western State Petroleum Association. A significant portion also came from major movers of fossil fuels like BNSF, Union Pacific and the owners of the oil terminal at Port Westward Global Partners.
In the 2014 election cycle, fossil fuel interests spent $868,769 on donations to candidates for public office. (That’s even more than they spent in Washington, which has a 44 percent larger population.) These direct donations are the most straightforward kind of political spending to track.
The “winners” for netting the most fossil fuel money?
Senator Bruce Starr (R-15), who represented a senate district west of Portland, in and around Hillsboro, took $57,000 in the last election. Despite this influx---and despite raising more than any state level legislative candidate---Senator Starr was narrowly defeated by Chuck Riley.
Among Oregon’s federal delegates, Congressman Greg Walden (R-2) took far and away the most fossil fuel money in 2014. Walden, who enjoys measly a 11% environmental score from the Oregon League of Conservation Voters (OLCV), received $118,250 from the coal, oil, and gas industries in 2014. Behind him, oddly enough, are two candidates who were actually pitted against one another: Monica Wehby and Jeffery Merkley, who received $46,000 and $28,250, respectively, while competing for a spot in the US Senate. Senator Merkely, the incumbent, won, and it should be noted that fossil fuel money hasn’t seemed to effect his voting: he owns a 98% OLCV score.
Oftentimes, when companies or industries want to contribute to a group of candidates or hope to mask their involvement in politics, they will donate to Political Action Committees. PACs are basically just funds that pool contributions from various donors to support a given ideological strategy. In 2014, fossil fuel companies spent $176,094 on funding PACs in Oregon, donating to groups like “I Will Vote Like a Republican Should Committee”, the Oregon Family Council and the Leadership Fund.
“Lobbying” contributions are a notoriously vague category that can refer to activities as straightforward as buying coffee for a legislator, or to the salaries of well-heeled and well-connected professionals in Salem. Lobbyists are, of course, hired by an array of industries, companies, and interest groups to influence candidates on key issues. The biggest spenders will often hire professional lobbying firms to build influence with legislators.
Lead by $357,339 from the Western State Petroleum Associate, Oregon saw $927,920 of lobbying expenditures from the fossil fuel industry in 2014. The second biggest contributor, at $126,868, is notable: Global Partners. The company’s facilities at Port Westward, a biofuel-plant-turned-oil-depot, is arguably the Northwest’s largest oil train destination. Global Partners operated the site in clear violation of their state air quality permits. And even when their misdeeds came to light, state regulators opted to allow operations to continue until they could issue new permits.
As the most recent election-cycle spending figures show, coal, oil, and gas companies routinely make multi-million dollar bets that they can stand in the way of progress. And while the political landscape in Oregon looks favorable for action on key environmental issues at the moment, we can be certain that the fossil fuel industry will play politics with big money.
Nick Abraham - editor and lead contributor of Oil Check Northwest
This Article has been cross posted with daily.sightline.org and is co-authored by myself and Sightline's Policy Director Eric de Place.
Notes and methods. To track these funds, we combed through records from Oregon Secretary of State's Campaign Finance Disclosure as well as the Center for Public Integrity, the Center for Responsive Politics, and the National Institute on Money in State Politics. These numbers were collected on fossil fuel companies and their industry associations, as well as the state’s largest movers of coal, oil, and gas, such as the state’s export terminals. For example, we counted funds from major oil companies like BP and Chevron, from industry associations like the Western State Petroleum Association, owners and operators of fossil fuel transportation centers like Global Partners and from railroads like BNSF that have been major public advocate as well as the largest haulers of fossil fuel in Oregon.